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Statement by
The Honourable PJ. Patterson, QC, MP.,
Prime Minister of Jamaica
at the
Forty-Seventh Session of the United Nations
General Assembly
New York
September 30, 1992 UWI LIBRARIES
©n behalf of my Government and the people of Jamaica, I take
this Qpportunity to congratulate you on your election to the Presidency
of the General Assembly. I am confident that your vision and
energy will guide this Session to a successful conclusion.
I must take this opportunity to congratulate His Excellency
Dr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, who has assumed the post of Secretary
,General of the United Nations at a most challenging period for this
Organization and a turning point in the history of world affairs.
That we are all gathered here today to present our varying
viewpoints about the many issues which are of concern to us, as
individual nations and as a world body, that in itself gives all of us a
sense of hope that all problems, which loom so large on the world
horizon, are not insoluble if we are all determined to use this forum
as a vehicle for working together to solve them.
Mr. President, in the past, new Member States have been
largely the result of the de-colonization processes in Asia, Africa and
the Caribbean. The current phenomenon of new states from Europe
signals the fundamental realignment of political boundaries on that ·
Continent.
_ I wish formally, on behalf the Government and people of
Jamaica to welcome warmly the thirteen new members of the family
of the United Nations.
Mr. President, we meet in the aftermath of fundamental
changes in the political landscape which have profound implications
for each of us as individual nations.
They also impact on the world community collectively and
therefore on the agenda and future activities of this organization.
The end of the Cold War heralds a new era in which the
United Nations is expected to take decisive action based on the merits
of each issue, rather than in response to fixed ideological positions,
buttressed by the use of veto power.
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The world economy is experiencing revolutionary alteration.
No country, developed or developing, is immune.
I~ all of this, the fundamental and unchanging reality is the
widening gap between the relatively few rich industrialized countries
of the north and the many poor developing ones in the south.
In so many ways, so much has changed, yet so much remains
the same.
It was twelve years ago, in 1980, that as Foreign Minister of my
country I last addressed this august Assembly.
It was a time of great optimism. There was ongoing dialogue
between North and South. We seemed to share a common understanding
of the requirements for international co-operation and
development.
Barely had the decade of the 80s' begun , when the dialogue
abruptly ended. The international economic environment became
even more unfavourable. The developing countries of the Sou th were
left to grapple with enormous external debt. We spent the decade
undertaking major structural reform.
The painful adjustment has weighed heavily on the poor and
the vulnerable. Only now are we beginning to see prospects for
growth and development as a result of thesereforms. It is important
that a favourable international economic ~nvironment be established
to complete the process.
It is imperative that the United Nations, this universal organization,
plays a central role in enabling mankind to meet the
challenges, and grasp the present opportunities.
All Member States, be they large or small, have the right to
articulate the;r views, and express their aspirations. We have an equal
obligation to contribute to the common solution.
Today, I address my remarks from the perspective of my own
countrywhich exemplifies in many respects the goals and concerns of
the developing world.
When Jamaica joined the United Nations in 1962, we recognized
that to make a better life for our people, we were required to
consolidate our democracy, respect human rights, ensure the rule of
law and promote racial, religious and cultural tolerance.
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Ours is a society which reflects a varied mosaic- "Out of many,
one people". Ideally, this mirrors the central purpose of the United
Nations - "Out of many nations, one world".
To achieve this, we must reduce the vulnerability of developing
countries to external shocks.
I call upon this General Assembly to issue a summons to all
Member States for a new agenda which provides the basic conditions
for human survival everywhere.
Over these past forty-five years, the peacemaking function of
this Organization has been circumscribed by the dictates of the Cold
War. The threat of a nuclear holocaust was averted, not so much by
reason but by the certainty of mutually assured destruction. The
United Nations was relegated to the role of spectator, fearful of the
consequences but powerless to act.
Peace and security in many regions was breached. This often
reflected the surrogate conflicts between the superpowers, exploiting
the reality of economic disparities, and nationalist or ethnic animosities.
The United Nations can no longer remain impotent to prevent
conflict, to make peace, to keep the peace or to build peace.
The Secretary General's "Agenda for Peace" contains many
innovative proposals in these areas. They provide a constructive basis
on which Member States may formulate effective responses to conflict
- actual or potential - around the world.Jamaica will contribute to
the search for a full consensus on the effective role for the United
Nations and its organs in the new scenario.
The interface between the General Assembly, the Security
Council, the Economic and Social Council and the International
Court of Justice can best provide the requisite framework for legitimacy,
authority and the operational context of International Law.
Mr. President, we note the hopeful signs that are emerging in
South Africa, the Middle East, Cambodia and the Korean Peninsula.
The current round of direct negotiations between Israel and
its Arab Nations is an encouraging development which Jamaica fully
supports.
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But there is still a long way to go in achieving the goals of peace
and security. The world community cannot afford to relax either its
vigilance or its commitment to a just and lasting resolution of these
problems.
In 1992, we began with hope that the progress towards ending
apartheid in South Africa would gain momentum. The March referendum
formally sanctioned the reform process.
Hope turned to despair as violence has continued to pose a
serious threat to that process. The blood of South Africans continues
to be shed in the long struggle to end the apartheid system. The
incidents which have taken place since July in Boipatong and the
Ciskei homeland nearly torpedoed the prospects for peace and the
process of negotiating toward democratic rule in South Africa.
The Government and people ofJ amaica have long supported
the anti-apartheid struggle in that country. We were heartened by the
appearance of progress. We would not, Mr. President, wish to see the
process derailed.
The international community must signal its clear and unswerving
determination to see concrete efforts that end the cycle of
violence and ensure the success of negotiations aimed at achieving a
democratic and non-racist society.Jamaica will not be satisfied until
one person, one vote is a reality.
There are other areas which are in urgent need of effective
United Nations initiatives. In Central and Eastern Europe, in the
Persian Gulf, in South Africa, in Somalia, in Haiti, the problem varies
in magnitude and in complexity. There is a real chance that the
United Nations can make a significant contribution. It cannot do so
without the resources and full support of the rich and powerful
nations.
In my own region, in the Caribbean country of Haiti, a
repressive and illegal regime continues to hold power a year after
overthrowing the democratically elected leader of the country. PresidentJ
ean Bertrand Artistide remains a virtual exile. Measures taken
by the Organization of American States to resolve the situation have
not yet achieved the hoped for results. In particular, the embargo is
being flouted by some European countries and even some Member
countries of the OAS itself.
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We owe to it to the people of Haiti and to ourselves to continue
support for their cause for a restoration of constitutional rule. All
those who espouse freedom must remain resolute in the conviction
that the democratic flame which flickered briefly should remain
alight in that country.
The machinery of the United Nations, in concert with the
Organization of American States, must render positive assistance to
the Haitian people. We urge this General Assembly to lend its weight
in support of the legitimate government and people of one of its
Member States.
The Secretary General correctly highlights the importance of
the concept of the rule oflaw in international, no less than in national
affairs. The international court of justice should be strengthened and
its jurisdiction must be extended to command universal acceptance.
Its judgments must have binding force.
We would also urge the major industrial countries to give
concrete expression to their commitment to international law by
ratifying the Law of the Sea Convention without delay.
The informal consultations initiated by the previous Secretary
General, and still continuing, have resulted in significant progress.
The world must now reve.rt to the Preparatory Commission which has
the competence and authority to make the necessary decisions.
Mr. President, let us now review the world economic scene
and the new agenda on which this organization must embark.
The link between peace, security and economic well-being is
recognized by our Charter.
It mandates the United Nations to promote the economic and
social advancement of all peoples through international action.
The break-up of the integrated trading system of the former
Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, coupled with the rapid movement
to dismantle their centralized economic system and substitute one
that is market-oriented, has undoubtedly, in its immediate aftermath,
posed severe challenges to the peoples of those countries.
The governments of the Western Industrialized Countries
were quick to recognize the threat to peace and security, if these
unstable and chaotic conditions were not effectively addressed. They
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have moved with commendable speed to identify and provide the
assistance required.
Regrettably, the same urgency and attention has never been
forthcoming in respect to what has been a long-standing problem,
that is far more fundamental and potentially catastrophic.
1 speak of the ever-widening gap between the affluent countries
of the north and the poverty in most countries of the south.
The decade of the 80s brought sustained economic growth
and increasing affluence to the industrialized countries and rapid
development to the newly industrialized countries of South East Asia.
For the rest of the developing world - in Latin Ametica and
the Caribbean, in Africa and in the rest of Asia- this has -with few
exceptions, , been a period of relative and often actual decline in
economic growth and living standards - exacerbated by rapid populations
growth.
The last decade witnessed a severe fall in commodity prices,
the reduction of private and public sector flows, and a mounting debt
burden which have resulted in outflows to the international financial
institutions and to the developed world.
These trends must be halted and reversed.
In the search for lasting peace we must prevent increasing
poverty for a substantial portion of the human race. The affluent also
has a vital interest in the reduction of human misery.
This is no time for recrimination as to who created this
fundamental problem. We must all be part of finding an urgent
solution to avoid political instability and social unrest.
Most of our countries have embarked with determination on
the difficult task of economic restructuring. We have been reducing
government budgets, opening our economies, emphasizing the preeminent
role of the private sector and creating conditions for competitive
market-driven economies. Undoubtedly, these are necessary
prescriptions.
There is nor denying, however, that in the short run, they have
imposed considerable hardships on all sectors of our population,
particularly the poorest and the most vulnerable - our women and
our children. In this critical situation, a supportive international
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economic environment is an urgent necessity to mitigate the shortterm
effects.
There is need for a greatly increased flow of public and private
financial resources into the countries of the South.
We must devise machinery to facilitate the transfer ofrelevant
technology ..
We must create the climate of international trade which
rejects protectionism and stimulate export-led growth.
Of increasing importance in the world economy is the trend
towards regional economic integration movements and the consolidation
of trading blocs among the countries of Europe and North
America.
As far as the developing countries are concerned, the trend
towards regional integration of economic structures is an essential
step in the process of our own development. To the extent that this
expands our home market base and promotes the co-operative
sharing of financial and technical resources, it will strengthen our
economies, increase our purchasing and productive power and contribute
positively to the growth of world trade. From this, we will all
benefit.
The developed countries already control the major share of
world trade, financial resources and technology. If the trading blocs
of Europe and North America create defensive mechanisms against
each other and establish impenetrable barriers for the rest of the
world economy, the result is likely to be a growing marginalization of
developing countries and a concommittant widening of the gap
between North and South.
Such a process will lead to stagnation and an eventual shrinkage
of world trade. An increasing world population alongside the
prospect of more impoverished countries is a recipe for explosion.
A fair trading system is required to encourage the development
of regional integration processes among developing countries,
to recognize their need for temporary, preferential and protective
measures in specific areas and promote the maximum openness in
the economies of the developed countries. This path is essential to a
more equitable, prosperous and peaceful world.
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Mr. President, the iron curtain between East and West has
been removed. It is high time to bridge the gulf which perpetuates the
great divide between North and South.
The United Nations must provide the forum for meaningful
dialogue and chart the course for practical, effective action.
The abatement of Cold War tensions, the outbreak of ethnic
conflicts, the reality of global interdependence dictate that the world
community must seize this opportune moment to give concentrated
focus on a secure peace that rests on the foundations of meaningful
development and sustained economic growth for all.
We must approach this dialogue in sober recognition of the
fact that no part of the world can long remain immune to events in
any other part. Famine, disease, ecological degradation, the desperate
migration of people in search of survival, the inhumanity of
poverty cannot be ignored indefinitely by any creature on planet
earth.
Meaningful development must have a social dimension and
must be sustainable. In respect of the former, we welcome the
proposal for the convening of a World Summit on the theme of social
development.
The Earth Summit, recently concluded in Brazil, served to
underscore the interlinkages of security, disarmament, debt, trade,
technology, the environment and development. Heads of State and
governments were obliged to accept inter-relationships of these
perennial concerns, and forced to admit that these issues could not
be treated in splendid isolation but required concerted action.
This admission suggests that the time is propitious for a new
beginning.
The spirit of Rio must not be lost. Time will tell whether the
political will exists for us to co-operate with ea~h other against the
common threat to the environment we all share. Mere lip service will
not suffice. ·
I expect this General Assembly to settle the institutional
machinerywhich ensures decisive action in the post-UNCED period.
It will need to address the concerns of small Island States and the
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enhancement of scientific and technological capacity among developing
countries.
Jamaica supports the decision to form the high level co1?~ission
for sustainable development. We intend to assist the comm1ss1on
fully, once the important details of its programme of work has been
agreed.
I expect this Assembly to confront the question of financial
res~urces in order to implement Agenda 21. An initial commitment
of at least US$600 billion annually is required so that the work we have
painstakingly accepted will be adequately implemented.
The key donor countries and agencies will n~~d to look at
several proposals within the global environmental fac1hty, the International
Development Association, Regional Development Banks,
private sector funding and financial transfers ~om governments to
see how best a realistic, international, economic effort can be ~rga-
m. zed. But we must resist the tendency to use resources •f or envbi ro· n-mental
protection and management as one more_ device to n~g
developing' countries under the dictates of multilateral financial
institutions.
The development that we seek in the present, an_d, or the
upcoming century is impossibl~ without ~anagmg our_environ~ent
efficiently. The case for acting m concert 1s overwhelmmg. The time
for action is now.
Mr. President, the agenda of political, economic and en~ronmental
changes which our citizens demand, no longer permit t~e
United Nations to remain a passive spectator. It must play a catalyuc
role and assume the operational leadership.
This makes it imperative that we re-order our priorities. This
can only be accomplished in the context of institutional restructur-ing.
The Secretary-General has already demonstrated his own
commitment to this process. His own proposals have ~een s~pplemented
by proposals from many other sources. Al~ of this pro~~es a
framework and a point of departure for our discussions and dec1s10ns
in the months ahead in the General Assembly and other organs of the
United Nations.
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The debate must be informed by the principles enshrined in
the Charter.
The decisions we make must ensure that the vision is realized
and the purposes met. This Organization must always act in a transparent
manner so that it is never subverted by the introduction of
hegemonies from any quarter. Any new world order must be based on
the rule of law. In creating or shaping it, we need to be inclusive but
not exclusive. All nations and peoples must be encouraged to satisfy
their legitimate aspirations and fulfil their dreams.
While the new spirit of co-operation in the Security Council
is a welcome development, that body must reflect all interests in its
determination.
To maintain the confidence of the GeneralAssemblyrequires
its acceptance of accountability to that body. The role and function of
the General Assembly must be enhanced. There must be non-selectivity
in the taking of decisions and the consequent action to enforce
them.
Definitions of human rights are not susceptible to interpretations
imposed by any one State or group of States.
The relevant international covenants of economic, social,
cultural, political and civil rights must be of universal standards. Once
this is accepted we can deal effectively and even-handedly with all
violations of human rights in various parts of the world.
Resolute international action, based on the charter and other
rules of international law, must be applied.
Mr. President, once more this Organization is presented with
a real opportunity to fulfill its noble purposes and to be an effective
instrument in creating a world order of lasting peace, economic
prosperity and social justice. Its success depends on the commitment
and practical support that we, the sovereign nations who constitute its
membership bring to _those purposes.
If we succeed, the fruits are glorious.
The fact is everything is at stake -we are all at risk and we dare
not fail.
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